Referring to your circular minute of the 4th June, 1948,¹ now received by shipmail, on the subject of Partition, a practical result of Mr. de Valera's visit to Australia was the setting up of Australian Leagues for an Undivided Ireland. It seems that these were formed in each of the capital cities of Australia and in New Zealand. I should say they are still in the early formative stage, as it is digging very hard ground in this country. I have had one communication - from the honorary secretary of the Melbourne branch, a young and active solicitor named Mr. J.P. Hennessy. He stated that he proposed to have printed in Melbourne the pamphlet by David O'Neill and he asked if there is a copyright to consult for permission to reprint.

I understand that a Sydney solicitor, Mr. Moloney, undertook to form the headquarters of the League in Sydney and has since had a meeting at which a medical doctor, Dr. A.T. Dryer, was elected honorary secretary. I have not heard from the Sydney branch and do not know the exact position in Brisbane, Adelaide, Perth or Hobart. Presumably the Minister would wish me to assist these organisations, but I have remained inactive in regard to them pending an official direction. I have advised the Melbourne secretary that it would be better to have an entirely new pamphlet written specially to appeal to Australian readers.

In general, the people here do not take any interest in or want to be bothered with anything which is not of Australian interest. There is a keen sense of defence-weakness and this is kept raw by America's policy to put Japan on her legs as a bulwark against a Communist China. The Northern-Ireland defence argument needs to be countered; and I have sent a copy of Senator Ireland's² article to Mr. Hennessy.

Secondly, the support which these Leagues will get will be mainly from the working classes; and I think that they can do useful work through the powerful Trade Union bodies in Australia. It follows that the Northern Ireland 'social services' argument needs a powerful, practical counter-argument. If it could conveniently be prepared, it would be useful for us to have a tabular statement showing the differences in the extent and nature of social services available in the six and twenty-six county areas. Vague, sentiment-appealing platitudes are useless.

What are the facts about the so-called 'Imperial Contribution'? I enclose a copy of an article from the 'Irish Statesman' of June 20, 1925, explaining the basis of the contribution. If the Department of Finance has a year-by-year analysis disentangling the Northern Ireland central finances and giving an approximation of the plus and minus contributions, it would be useful to have this information. The whole cost of Stormont, £1,000,000 sterling, was paid by the British taxpayer without his knowing it. Are there any other similar hidden gifts?

Could a commodity and value analysis of the trade between the twenty-six and six counties and between the six counties and other countries particularly the United States be supplied? Are there figures of the number of holiday-makers who come from the six counties to the twenty-six?

The Prime Minister of Australia has a favourite saying, that the strongest political argument to appeal to Australians is the 'hip-pocket' argument, meaning reductions in taxation, better social services and the like. To interest people here in our very remote partition problem the argument likely to make them sit up would be one linked with Australia's defence position, resting as it does almost entirely on American support; buttressed by a clear picture of the financial and economic aspects, showing that a united Ireland would be a better financial and economic defence-support for freedom-loving nations such as Australia.