Excellency,
I apologise for writing this letter in English. I do so because it is very urgent, but I have no intention of giving up my resolution of writing and especially speaking in the language of Rome so long as the Lord wills to leave me here and the Holy See puts up with me.

I came away from your very kind reception of me with a certain feeling of worry that I had not explained with sufficient clarity the constitutional position relating to the letters of credence. You will appreciate that I was somewhat nonplussed to hear that Monsignor Martin had not conveyed to you my anxiety lest something should go wrong about the reply. I had gone into the whole matter with him about five weeks ago in your Department and I spoke to him a few times on the telephone. I mentioned the Cardinal Bourne¹ incident to him in order to emphasize the present a fortiori position. I thought he understood the seriousness of the matter, but I realize now that he was really putting me off with assurances, without understanding the issue at stake, so that I might not trouble you. It is all my own fault. I should have found out the proper machinery for getting to see you and spoken direct to your secretary on the telephone.

I am sending you the enclosed short note on the position.² You will see that the Governor General disappeared nearly ten years ago, and that the position is so much that of a separate republic that it would be just as logical to ask the Nuncio in Paris to hand a reply to King George as it would be to issue a similar instruction to Monsignor Godfrey.³ Moreover the position is also such that no representative in Dublin has any right whatsoever to visit the King. In that matter the position of a representative in Ireland visiting King George would be even more serious than that of a representative to the Holy See asking an audience of the King of Italy.

Naturally in Ireland we feel very deeply about such matters. We have worked so long to build up, painfully and slowly, the edifice of our inde-pendence, that we watch with the very greatest vigilance to see that no brick is disturbed.

I am writing this personal appeal because I believe Your Excellency is as anxious as I am that no false step should be taken especially at this critical moment.

I must say quite frankly that I do not like the drafted reply which you were good enough to show me. In reality it takes no cognisance of the fundamental change in the position of the King in our regard, and the phrase about the Irish nation is a concession to sentiment without having the slightest constitutional import. And yet, it can be said with all truth that the document, whether you or I will it or not, cannot be regarded as a res indifferens constitutionally. Once left your office it impinges on our constitutional position one way or the other. Only angels could draw it up so carefully as to leave the position exactly as it is and should be.

At the same time, if you insist on sending a reply, though I beg you not to do so, I shall be happy to give you every assistance in the composition of it. As General Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs I have assisted at every step along the constitutional path over which my Minister, Mr. de Valera has led Ireland out of the control and influence of British rule. Therefore I know not merely the exact position as it is but the exact views of Mr. de Valera in regard to it. And I am absolutely certain, that in all this matter you will not think that I am doing anything but my duty towards the Holy See as well as towards my own country. My instructions from Mr. de Valera are to work for the Holy See as well as for my own country. In his mind, as you are aware, the identity of interests is complete. So that I am under the same obligation to be frank with you as I am with Mr. de Valera himself, and I feel therefore quite certain that you would not dream of thinking that, in telling you my whole mind in a matter of such grave import, I am in the very least degree going outside my proper sphere.

To end this personal letter let me say, again, quite frankly, - and I can do it all the more easily on account of your great kindness to me on Friday last - let us let the reply die a natural death. It is merely history to say that the great and noble institution to which our chief loyalty is due has in the past solved much greater difficulties in similar fashion.

I beg to remain, Excellency, with great respect and esteem