Further¹ to my cable No. 125 of yesterday², I wish to report that Sir Ronald Lindsay, the British Ambassador, called on me yesterday. I had thought that the visit was a farewell one as he was booked to sail on the fifth of July. He told me, however, that he had got a cable postponing his departure to late in August.

He began by discussing the Royal visit, the trouble he had had with the Senators, my trip to the west coast and how I had enjoyed it, etc.

Then in transpired that what he had come to talk about was the Bloom Neutrality Bill, the effect of which in its original form would have been to give power to the President to sell war supplies to England and France in time of war, and withhold them from Germany and Italy. I had known that this Bill was the one desired by the British because Sir Ronald, himself, had discussed it with me, and I had told him four months ago that there would be no difficulty in getting it through. I believed that at the time. Matters underwent a serious change shortly after the Bill was introduced. Firstly, the isolationists came out against it, though they seemed very few; secondly, some of the Senators who had got last-minute invitations to the Royal Garden Party were accused of kowtowing to the British, and in their anxiety to put themselves right with their constituents they decided against the measure; thirdly, M. Bonnet's speech practically telling America it was her duty to decide in advance to throw in her lot with France and Britain had a very bad effect; fourthly, Father Coughlin³ and individual Irish societies and newspapers were inveighing against the measure, stating that it was drafted in the interests of England. The result was that the Bill was assailed from all sides and its sponsors had already agreed to amendments which emasculated it.

At the time Sir Ronald Lindsay called, the Bill was actually under discussion and a final vote is being taken today.

Shortly before Sir Ronald called I had a talk with Mr. Martin Conboy⁴ who was visiting Washington, and I told him I intended delicately hinting to the Ambassador that it was Irish opposition which was responsible for the result because of the continuance of partition. To my surprise Sir Ronald, himself, said what I had been going to hint at.

'The atmosphere was getting sour before Bonnet spoke. I think that it is a disaster to the cause of peace, and that your Irish in America are responsible'.

I said I thought that was so and that I was not surprised because everywhere I had gone on my recent tour I heard the partition of Ireland discussed and England was held to blame.

Sir Ronald asked 'What can we do about it?'

'Show your goodwill in the matter by withdrawing your troops and your subsidies'.

'These Northerners are a tough lot. I don't think that would work'.

'They have seemed a tough lot because they were relying on your big stick to support them.'

I told him that the English were foolish to leave unsolved such a vital question for them. It was having and would continue to have repercussions all over the world. Chamberlain had the solution in his hands by doing what I said, and pointing out to Craigavon that continued partition of Ireland was a menace to the Empire. If Craigavon was as patriotically British as he pretended to be, he would make the necessary sacrifice.

'Can you contemplate with equanimity' asked Sir Ronald 'the downfall of the British Empire'.

'I am afraid' I replied 'that Ireland will consider that an academic question as long as partition continues".

'Do you think' asked Sir Ronald 'that the Irish in America would be satisfied without having the Republic for the 32 counties?'

My answer was 'the vast majority of the Irish in America will be satisfied with whatever satisfies the Irish Government. If the North comes in and they get the assistance of the conservative elements in the South it might transpire that you would have a 32 county Ireland with a status similar to the present status of the 26 counties. But even if that did not happen, and an Irish Republic was declared, what have you to fear from a friendly independent Irish Republic'. There was a long pause and Sir Ronald then said 'By Jove perhaps you're right'.

There was much more to the conversation but I have only given the highlights here. The Ambassador was very gloomy when he came and only a little less so when he left. Only when he had gone did it occur to me that his object in calling was to ascertain if I had any direct hand in the present position and, if so, to ask me to use any influence I might have in bringing about a change in the picture. If that was his intention he never got down to it, and I do think I got my message across.