Final report May 12, 1921.
To the Republican Government of Ireland:
I fulfilled the first part of my mission yesterday. I hope my former reports have been received through the same address as this, but I must find some better method of transmitting a full statement.
- Whatever personal opinions S. African politicians may have of the
Irish question, no official of the party in office can advocate an Irish Republic; I
have explained the reasons for this in former reports. Only the Dutch
republicans, who are not now in power, can do this.
- I have had to consider the immediate present and not some future
time when the position of parties may change.
- I have pointed out that the Irish people consider an Irish
independent Republic not only best for Ireland, but also for England; and have tried to
find out how far influential persons can be induced to go in our direction.
- That being the Irish position, it is not reasonable to ask them to
surrender their position and pretend to approve and guarantee the success of an
experiment which Englishmen desire to impose.
- England, as proved by the imposition of the last (partition) Act, contrary
to the will of the Irish people, and even in the English Parliament without
the consent of a single Irish member, maintains her right to impose her will on
the Irish people.
- That being so, and the present Act having proved futile, she had
better mend her hand and impose an Act going as far as she considers possible in
the direction of an Irish Republic.
- Lloyd George has stated now and again (and now and again the
opposite) that he will go as far as non-coercion of Ulster and the strategic unity
(whatever that means) of the two countries permit.
- I have considered Repeal of the Union the next best thing to a
Republic, because it means absolute independence of the English Parliament, of
English ministers and of England; it means an independent kingdom of Ireland
as opposed to a Republic. As the King is now impotent this would be quite
different from Grattan's Parliament.
- Gen. Smuts and his party (the South African combined with the
Unionist Party) has publicly repudiated the present Dominion Constitution of S.
Africa, and adopted some undefined theory which he terms the 'Higher Status'.
It means (as far as I can understood) independence of the English
Parliament and connection with the Empire only by the link of the Crown. This seems
to me the same thing as repeal of the Union in Ireland. The Prime Minister
would deal directly with the King.
- This position is easy and reasonable for a S. African Minister to
adopt without any breach of his engagement with his party or any strain on
his allegiance.
- 1The Imperial Conference may bring up the position of Ireland for
consideration for two reasons:- The Dominions being now independent of
the English Parliament, and yet members of the British Empire, are directly
affected by misgovernment in any part of the Empire (a) in so far as it weakens
the Empire morally and physically; and (b) in so far as the loss of Irish
trade (£300,000,000) affects their financial position and that of the world
generally, already in a very bad way. The Dominions having to bear the responsibility
of these matters have a right to interfere with the mismanagement of an
English Government when it affects their credit.
- Thus while the United States may be asked to recognise an Irish
Republic and yet be unable otherwise to interfere in Irish affairs, the Dominions are in
a better logical position to interfere in the Government of Ireland than to
recognise its independence. I do not say that these conclusions are absolute and
meet every contingency, but they will suffice.
- It remains to be considered how best this interference can be brought
about. It will be easily conceded that the united action of all the Dominion Premiers
if it could be brought about at an Imperial Conference would be the most
effectual and opportune.
- The character of the different Premiers and the position of parties in
each Dominion must be studied in this regard, but it would not be wise for me
to write any statements on this matter. Moreover, with the exception of
South Africa you have as good means of forming a judgement as I have.
- The object will be to induce these men to join hands and work together as
a united body to bring pressure on the Government. The present
English Government is absolutely under the domination of 150 Tory Diehards,
who believe in militarism and terrorism, no advice or persuasion is of the
slightest avail; even if a promise were extracted it would be broken immediately
that the conference ended. Only serious words of warning backed up by the
certainty that action will be taken can have any effect. This matter requires the
greatest delicacy of treatment and the sternest resolve, a combination difficult to
get.
Can this state of affairs be brought about? It would not be wise or proper
for me to state any more here on this matter.
- It is of the greatest importance that during the Imperial Conference
the proper information regarding Irish principles, opinions and desires be
available in London. It will not do at all to be sending messengers back and forwards
to find out what can be accepted; it is impossible to keep these messages
from public comment in England, and also misconceptions arise which are
bound to bring about disaster. Therefore while the decision in each case must
rest with the Ministry and the Dail, yet they should be represented in London
by THE BEST AND MOST RESPONSIBLE PERSONS AVAILABLE. Anything I may
have said here may be misunderstood or misapplied, and moreover new
circumstances may arise from moment to moment, which must be dealt
with immediately and with the full knowledge and authority of the Ministry.
- I cannot therefore too strongly urge that not only the wisest persons
be selected for this post, but those who will be most acceptable to the
Dominion Premiers with whom they must communicate. In my opinion there ought
to be two or three at least, each of whom may take different parts, and though
I hesitate to go into particulars, yet I have some reasons for doing so. I
suggest as persons who, from their antecedents, might be agreeable, the
following names:- Mr. Erskine Childers, Mr. George Russell. It would be of
great importance to have some member or members of the Government,
according as may be found possible in the difficult circumstances now existing.
The President or Vice-President, the Prime Minister or some prominent member
of the Ministry, would give authority and confidence to such persons, unless
it was thought unwise to implicate the Government in such a transaction.
- I can only end this by saying that I have reason to believe that all I
have said is capable of achievement. I have not written entirely out of my
own imagination, but with due deliberation, and you may take it that as far as
I have written in the above report my mission has been entirely successful.
- I would much like to know if my 3 former reports have been received.
Only one copy of the Bulletin comes here for all of us; but if there is any difficulty
I can easily get it copied. We were all amused at the fakes. [P.J.] Little is just
back from up country today.
