The original intention of the British and American Governments was that there should be created in Warsaw a completely new Government from existing known parties. They did agree to include some Lublin Communist Poles, although the Communist party in Poland had always been a very small party. But, since the Yalta agreement, Russia has been pressing for a Government composed almost exclusively of the Lublin Communists, with the addition, pro forma, of a few outsiders. There have been hints that the Allies knew the course events would take and that a free hand in Greece had been received in return for a free hand in Poland. The debate in the House of Commons on Poland some six weeks ago showed that there was a very strong minority against the betrayal of Poland, and it is suspected that the last move in the game was timed deliberately after the dissolution of the House of Commons. It is also said that Churchill himself is responsible for persuading Mikołajozyk, a former Prime Minister of the London Government, to accept a post in the new Warsaw Cabinet. Last October, while still Prime Minister, Mikołajozyk had refused to enter any Government in which his (the Peasant) party would be outnumbered by 5 to 1. Mr. Bierut, the Warsaw President of Poland, is an international Communist and a Soviet citizen (though of Polish origin). Morawski, the Premier, although calling himself a Socialist, is a Communist; as are more than three-fourths of the entire Government. Besides Mikołajozyk, two professors from Cracow of no political standing, a secretary of a Communist Union, and Stanczyk, a Socialist whose party had repudiated him, have been brought in to give a representative colour to the Government. Taken altogether, this Government, with one exception, consists of men unknown to Polish public life. They are Russian hand-picked.

Mikołajozyk was subjected to the wildest abuse by the Moscow Radio up to one month ago, and he was frequently described as deserving of death. There is no doubt that, notwithstanding his position as one of two Deputy Premiers and Minister for Agriculture, he will have little or no say in important affairs. He is said to have gone to Poland to try and save as many as possible of those whom the Soviet régime had destined for death or Siberia. (He actually said so to E.[oin] O'M.[alley])

There are some three million Poles in Russia proper and Siberia, and two and a half millions in camps in Germany. Neither these latter nor the three hundred odd thousand Poles (mainly military) in England intend to return to Poland. That alone is sufficient evidence of the completely undemocratic character of the Warsaw Government. The London Polish Government, which was accepted all during the war, and still is, by all Poles who can be vocal, has rejected this deal, but it is not yet clear what the future of this Government, whether as such or whether as a group of individuals, is going to be.

Poland is completely occupied by Soviet military and police. There is not the slightest possibility of a free election, and the 'new' Government has as much democratic basis as would have a Government of Irish traitors imposed by London on Ireland against the will of the people in the heat of a violent persecution.

It is very unlikely that many countries will recognise the Warsaw Government. France has done so already and so has Sweden, but it does seem that fair-minded people are beginning to talk in Britain and the United States, and there is some hope that the Polish London Government may be able to continue somewhere – at least as a Liberation Committee. It is difficult to see how America and Britain can recognise the new Government until there has been at least the simulacrum of a free election. The danger is, however, that they will give a recognition conditional on the future holding of 'free' elections. So the Poles now appear to have only one hope, namely, that Russia will make demands so fundamentally opposed to Britain's vital interests that the British Government may reverse its policy and use Poland as a crusading propaganda appeal against Russia. Unfortunately, nothing short of physical intervention in the Middle East oil regions would be enough to provoke an Anglo-American retort strong enough to make Russia hesitate.