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Volume 1. No. 105. NAI DFA ES Box 32 File 220
Osmond Grattan Esmonde
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I am ignorant, however, of what position, if any, these men have been given in the Self-Determination League by Miss Hughes.[...]The local Irish wired from Seattle to the Council of the Republic in Washington for $2,000.[...]
I understand Douherty has been offered the position of International Supreme-Court Judge by the League of Nations.[...]
Volume 1. No. 159. NAI DE 2/304/1
Irish Delegation (London)
Draft Treaty proposals taken by the Irish delegation to London
07 October 1921
Ireland will make, and his Britannic Majesty will support Ireland in making, a request to the respective Governments of the United States of America, and of all other States, not being members of the League of Nations, with whom his Britannic Majesty entertains diplomatic relations formally to recognise and guarantee the perpetual neutrality, integrity and inviolability of Ireland.[...]
Ireland will request, and the several partner States of the British Commonwealth will support Ireland in requesting the Council and Assembly of the League of Nations formally to recognise and guarantee the perpetual neutrality as well as the integrity and inviolability of Ireland.[...]
The partner states of the British Commonwealth will support any application that may be made by Ireland for admission to membership of the League of Nations.[...]
Volume 1. No. 320. NAI DT S3332
Patrick Sarsfield O'Hegarty (Dublin) to J.J. Walsh (Dublin)
Memorandum on Irish membership of the League of Nations by Patrick Sarsfield O'Hegarty with covering note by J.J. Walsh
15 September 1922
Walsh, Postmaster-General The League of Nations.[...]
It seems to me that Ireland has nothing to lose and everything to gain by becoming a Member of the League of Nations as soon as ever she can, and that her claim should be staked there without delay.[...]
There are three things in the Constitution which we ought to fight to the utmost limit we can: (1) The Oath, (2) The King's Veto, (3) The Privy Council's Veto.[...]
If we could gain membership of the League of Nations at once we could fight these three points.[...]
If we were a member of the League of Nations we could appeal to the League and, even assuming that that appeal were unsuccessful we should at least demonstrate that we had done everything which was humanly possible.[...]
It would give Ireland at once secure international recognition, not as a British Dominion on the same level as Canada but as the Historic Irish Nation; it would place us at once in the mind of Europe, on a level with the fundamental Nations of Europe, more especially as our outlook and our policy as Members of the League would be those of a Nation with historical associations and not those of a Dominion.[...]
And, in view of the power which we can exert on American politics, and of the exaggerated idea of that power which is common, we would have an influence in the League rather greater than that of any other small Nation.[...]
We could not get into the League then, we can now, and we ought.[...]
By virtue of our special history, our special position, we can not only lead the British Dominions in an anti-Imperial policy against the British Empire, but we can, through the League, organise the small Nations in a Small Nations League against the Empires.[...]
We can make of the League a reality by going into it and supplying honesty and passion and decency in its Councils.[...]
Volume 3. No. 65. NAI DFA LN 65 No. 52
T.M. Healy (Dublin) to L.S. Amery (London)
44th session of the League of Nations Council
24 February 1927
Volume 3. No. 126. NAI DFA unregistered papers ML 04/084
Michael MacWhite (Geneva) to J.P. Walshe (Dublin)
Dominions and the League of Nations
15 December 1927
In order, however, to maintain the pretence of the subordination of the Dominions, the British delegate, when signing declared in writing that his 'signature does not bind India or any British Dominion which is a separate member of the League of Nations and does not separately sign or adhere to the Convention'.[...]
A confidential document prepared by a member of the League Secretariat on the proceedings of the Imperial Conference and on the relations of the States of the Commonwealth with the League, fell into my hands a short time ago.[...]
Now, as regards the legal opinion of the League Secretariat, it appears, as you suggest, to be opposed to the Dominions, but does not the responsibility for this rest more with the Dominions than with the League? The British Representative on the Council was authorised to make a request in the name of the Dominions to the effect that in future all treaties and conventions should be drafted in a certain way.[...]
In order to do this, the jurists of the League are obliged to conform to certain principles of international law, and when difficulties present themselves, they do not consult the Dominions, naturally enough, but rather the authority whom we delegated to be our spokesman in the matter.[...]
The British Foreign Office, consequently, supplied the first draft which is to form the groundwork of the new treaties and conventions and it is only natural in the circumstances that the League should consider the Dominions to be assenting parties.[...]
The task of finding a legal formula is not an easy one, as there exists a certain contradiction between the position of the Dominions as members of the League and the decisions they adopted at the Imperial Conference.[...]
I do not see how it could be otherwise drafted if we are to stand by the Imperial Conference agreement and Chamberlain's declaration at the 44th Session of the Council.[...]
At the time the latter declaration was made, I pointed out that, if generally accepted, the status of the Saorstát as a Member of the League of Nations would be considerably affected, and so it seems to be.[...]
If we want League Conventions to be differently drafted in the future, it is for us to present a formula which will reconcile our position as an independent contracting State with the declaration made by Sir Austen Chamberlain on our behalf.[...]
Volume 3. No. 129. NAI DT S4529
W.T. Cosgrave (Chicago)
National Radio address from Chicago
21 January 1928
There are many among you who will remember the days of the Land League, formed to defend and protect the rights of the tiller of the soil against the greed of the large land holders; to secure that the tenant farmer would become the peasant proprietor, owning the land upon which he lavished his labour and his care.[...]
We are co-equal partners in the group of Nations known as the British Commonwealth.[...]
We have the same freedom that Great Britain has, that Canada has, that South Africa has, and we are really the most democratic of them all, because in Ireland the President of the Executive Council is chosen by the Dáil, his cabinet must be approved by the Dáil, every action must be taken at the instance of the Executive Council or on their advice and the Council must answer to the elected representatives of the people.[...]
Volume 3. No. 137. NAI DT 27/11
Michael MacWhite (Geneva)
Disarmament and Security
01 May 1928
In the first place it weakened the preventative effects of Article 16 of the Covenant as there was no guarantee that the United States would accept the views of the Council of the League if the latter had to face the eventuality of designating an aggressor.[...]
In the second place the sanction to be applied by the League once the aggressor was denominated should take the form of a blockade which could only be efficacious on sea.[...]
was to be a Member of the League of Nations.[...]
The risk was then apparent that in case of a blockade the United States fleet might not be found in the same camp as those belonging to the Members of the League.[...]
The problem of disarmament and world peace has, therefore, been at a standstill during the past ten years as no formula could be found giving a reasonable guarantee in case of a possible aggression that the United States would not be found in the opposite camp to that of the League of Nations.[...]
It was not necessary that the United States should recognise the decision of the League in naming the aggressor, but it was absolutely indispensable that the possible aggressor should receive no active assistance from the United States.[...]
It appears, therefore, necessary that the Kellogg treaty should become general in order to serve its purpose and that as a consequence all the Members of the League should be invited to adhere to it at the earliest moment.[...]
If the Saorstát takes the initiative in the matter, or effectively supports any proposition to that effect, during the next Assembly, she would not only enhance her prestige as a Member of the League, but would add considerably to her credit in the United States as well.[...]
Volume 3. No. 157. NAI DFA LN 1/7
Seán Murphy (Geneva) to Sean Lester (Dublin)
Blythe's speech to Ninth Assembly of the League of Nations
10 September 1928
President, Ladies and Gentlemen I do not intend to take up the time of the Assembly with an attempt to survey the excellent work which is being done in many directions by the League and its various organisations.[...]
Before entering on these topics however I should like to call attention to certain aspects of what might be called the internal politics of the League.[...]
The action which it was necessary to take last week with reference to the re-eligibility of the elected members of the Council shows that a satisfactory method of filling the non-permanent seats has not yet been found.[...]
In the opinion of my Government, the difficulties which have been or are likely to be encountered would be overcome if elections to the Council were conducted in accordance with the system of proportional representation known as that of the single transferable vote.[...]
If the League is not prepared to adopt proportional representation there is a grave danger that the action taken last week on the recommendation of the bureau of the Assembly will lead ultimately to our being thrown back into the position of having a Council on which all seats are in practice permanent.[...]
So far as the administration of the League is concerned I should like to express agreement with the views advanced by the delegate for Norway.[...]
In my opinion great care should be taken by the Secretary General and the Council to see that nothing is done to lend colour to the view that certain States have a prescriptive right to particular posts in the Secretariat.[...]
It is to be hoped that a time will come when officers of the League will be appointed and promoted solely on their personal merits and qualifications without reference to any question of nationality.[...]
I think, however, that the time has arrived when precautions should be deliberately taken to ensure that the international character and outlook of the Civil Service of the League and its undivided loyalty to this great international organisation will be maintained.[...]
I think it should be a rule that when a higher official of the League quits its service he should always be replaced by the citizen of some other country.[...]
I do not agree with the Speaker who, on Thursday last, suggested that it was improper, or perhaps dangerous, for the League to deal in any way with the complex problem of Customs Tariffs.[...]
It is obviously not enough that the League should strive to bring about the reductions of armaments and to prevent war when disputes or ill feelings have arisen which involve a danger of war.[...]
It must also endeavour to dissuade Nations from the adoption of policies which are likely to produce exasperation or a sense of injury among their neighbours.[...]
It seems to us, therefore, that the work which has been begun by the Economic Conference and the Economic Committee of the League of Nations is work which ought to be welcomed and should receive the assistance of all countries so long as it is not carried to unreasonable lengths and so long as it is clear that it is not intended to operate so as to prevent the development of countries which historical circumstances have left economically backward.[...]
In the opinion of my Government the attention of the League of Nations and of the Economic Committee which it has created ought to be directed towards the reduction of any tariffs, the object of which is not solely the economic development of the countries by which they are imposed, that is to say, it ought to try to persuade the countries concerned to abandon what are called bargaining tariffs, as well as retaliatory tariffs, and tariffs which have a political object; but when a country imposes tariffs with the sole purpose of building up industries which it believes itself well adapted to carry on, the League of Nations ought not to run the risk of creating in that country the opinion that it desires the present geographical distribution of industry to become stereotyped.[...]
The Irish Free State has a low tariff and admits many important classes of manufactured goods free of tax, but it does not regard itself as an indifferent member of the League of Nations because it is likely not to reduce, but to increase its tariffs.[...]
This pact is of signal importance in relation to the primary task of the League, namely the preservation of international peace and the establishment of a rule of order and justice among Nations.[...]
Members of the Assembly will not attempt to minimise the importance of the Pact because it was formulated by the Government of a Great Country which has declined to enter the League.[...]
They must work for the establishment of goodwill and the removal of mistrust among Nations.[...]
The new agreement demands of the members of the League who accept it that the work of all peace organisations shall be intensified.[...]
It is a new summons to the Nations to bestir themselves in solving their gravest problems.[...]
The answer of the League should be plain.[...]
The League cannot expect the peoples of the world to believe in the seriousness of the efforts made to guarantee peace unless Governments give some concrete proof that peace, not self-aggrandisement through new methods, is the object they have before them.[...]
In almost every country, the great social evils of poverty and unemployment are breeding new elements of disturbance, because the vast war organisations are diverting the resources of the Nations into wasteful channels.[...]
A definite limit in time should be set to the work of the Preparatory Commission and the Council should be requested to call the Disarmament Conference before the next ordinary meeting of the Assembly.[...]
Volume 3. No. 369. NAI DFA 26/95 LN 80
Timothy A. Smiddy (London) to J.P. Walshe (Dublin)
Candidature for election to League Council
12 May 1930
I mentioned that we were a candidate for the Council of the League at the Meeting of the Assembly next September, of which he was already cognisant.[...]
I said that small Nations such as his would find in the Irish Free State a champion of the national interests of small States, as also of minorities.[...]
He asked if there was any other Dominion seeking election to the Council: I said no.[...]
He mentioned that we would have the support of Great Britain and of the other Dominions for our candidature and, he presumed, the other Members of the British Commonwealth of Nations including Great Britain would consult beforehand with a view to the action that the States Members of the Commonwealth would take with reference to such election, as also to other League matters.[...]
I informed him that there was no joint understanding or discussion such as he envisaged, especially with reference to our candidature or that of any other State Member of the Commonwealth for the Council of the League of Nations.[...]
So far as Great Britain is concerned she will not on any account commit herself to the support of any member of the Commonwealth for the Council, beforehand.[...]
We approach such Dominions in the same way as we solicit the support of any other nation who we think would consider us as a suitable member from the point of view of the interests of the League and the point of view of the individual Nations concerned.[...]
He mentioned that there is a feeling among European Nations that the Members of the British Commonwealth of Nations act as a group in such matters and such a belief, he said, is apt to make these European Nations slow to support a second representative of the British Commonwealth of Nations on the Council.[...]
I impressed upon him that since 1926 we have strongly opposed the idea of any such group system, as also the right of the Commonwealth as such, exclusive of Great Britain, to be represented on the Council.[...]
On the other hand, we have always strongly urged that any Member of the British Commonwealth who is a Member of the League of Nations on the same basis and understanding as any other nation has got a right to seek election to the Council, as a Member of the League, but not as a Member of the British Commonwealth.[...]
I reminded him that when the Minister for External Affairs of the Irish Free State sought a Seat on the Council for the Irish Free State in 1926, he did so on this principle: further, in September 1929 the Minister for External Affairs of the Irish Free State expressed the intention of his country seeking election at the Assembly in 1930.[...]
However, it now happens that there is no other Member of the British Commonwealth seeking election for the temporary Membership of the Council except the Irish Free State.[...]
Volume 3. No. 385. NAI DFA 109B LN 80 No. 141
Patrick McGilligan (Dublin) to J.H. Thomas (London)
Candidature for election to League Council
18 June 1930
The views of the Irish Free State on the question of the allocation of non-permanent seats are, or ought to be, well known to every Member of the League, for they were clearly set forth by the Irish Delegation in plenary session at the Seventh Assembly, when the system of re-eligibility was introduced and the group system was discussed.[...]
Three vacancies will occur on the Council in September next, and it is the intention of the Irish Free State to offer itself for election to one of these, not in the capacity of one of the Member Nations of the British Commonwealth, but as a Member of the League having equal rights to representation with all the other Members.[...]
Moreover, it seems evident from foreign press reports - not all of them helpful to the Irish candidature - that the fact that this country is seeking election not as a Dominion or as a natural successor of Canada, but solely as a Member of the League of Nations, is well recognised abroad.[...]
The Irish Government would be very glad indeed if any action of theirs facilitated the aspirations of a country like China in its desire to utilise more fully the machinery of the League.[...]
Moreover, China failed in 1928 to obtain a vote of re-eligibility, and as it is in arrears of subscriptions to the League to the amount of over 8,000,000 gold francs, it is practically certain that it will not be in a position to obtain in September next the necessary two-thirds majority to render it eligible to become this year a candidate for membership of the Council.[...]
In this connection it will be recalled that the election to positions of honour and responsibility in the League of States which are considerably in arrears with their subscriptions gave rise last year to unfavourable comment at the Assembly, and that the question of how best to deal with the cases of countries in arrears is to come up for special consideration by the Council before the Eleventh Session.[...]
The Government of the Irish Free State would be glad to have the method of election to the Council fully re-explored.[...]
Accordingly, they have no observations to offer on this question beyond reiterating the views which their delegation expressed at the meeting of the Assembly in 1926, and their view put forward in the Ninth Assembly that the difficulties surrounding elections to the Council would be largely overcome if such elections were conducted in accordance with the system of proportional representation known as that of the single transferable vote.[...]
