24 Lughnasa, 1921.
A Chara,
An tuairim do bhí agam roimh ré agus me ag tabhairt freagra ort an 10adh lá de Lughnasa tá deimhniughadh déanta air anois. Leagas tairsgint bhur Riaghaltais-sa os comhair Dála Eireann, agus dheineadar a dhiúltadh d'aon ghuth.

Ba léir ó nbhur litir an 13adh lá de Lughnasa gur mhian libh go n-admhuighmís nár mhór ceart na hEireann do bheith ar lár ar mhaithe le cúrsaibh cosanta Sacsan do réir mar shaoil sí féin, toisc a chomhgaraighe is bhí Eire do Shacsaibh; agus nár mhór d'Eirinn géilleadh do'n smacht iasachta anois toisc a fhaid agus a dhícheallaighe is do bhítheas a d'iarraidh Eire do chur fé'n smacht soin 'san am atá imighthe.

Ní féidir liom a chreideamhaint gur mheas bhur Riaghaltas feidhm do bhaint as neart airm gan scál a chuirfeadh ar neamhnidh macántacht na náisiún is a chuirfeadh críoch le síothcháin an domhain. Má théigheann ceart saoirse an náisiúin bhig ar cheal chomh luath is chuireann comhursa neartmhar dúil 'san tír i gcomhair airm no pé buntáiste eile bheadh le baint as, sin deireadh le saoirse. Ní fhéadfadh náisiún beag súil do beith aici le neamh-spleadhchas iomshlán feasta. D'fhéadfaidhe Tír fo Thuinn is Danmharc do chur fé smacht na Gearmáine, Flondras fé smacht na Gearmáine no na Frainnce, an Portainéal fé smacht na Spáinne. Náisiúin dár ceangladh d'impireachtaibh le neart fóiréigin, má chaillid a neamhspleadhchas dá dheascaibh, níl aithbreith na saoirse i ndán dóibh feasta. Maidir le hEirinn má luadhtar go bhfuil sí ag scaradh le páirtidheacht nár ghlac sí riamh leis, no le dílse nár gheall sí riamh, níl ann acht bréag ó bhonn; mar a chéile, éagcóir ó bhonn bheith ag éileamh a neamhspleadhchas do chur fé chois ar mhaithe le cosaint Sacsan. Ní féidir linne .i. teachtaidhe an náisiúin, géilleadh do cheachtar aca.

Ní thréigfimíd-na onóir ár dtíre ná an ceart a tugadh dúinn le cosaint; agus má dheineann Sacsa adhbhar cogaidh de sin, is truagh linn é. Is léir dúinn cad é ár gcúram ar son na mbeo, agus ní lugha ár dtuigsint 'san nidh is dual dúinn agus 'san chomaoin atá orainn ag ár marbh cródha. Ní rabhamair ar lorg troda, is nílmíd ar lorg troda; acht má chuirtear an comhrac orainn caithfimíd sinn féin do chosaint agus déanfaimíd san. Agus ciaca eirgheochaidh linn no ná eirgheochaidh, beimíd deimhnighthe ná molfaidh aon dream fear ná ban de theachtaibh Eireann do'n náisiún an ceart is dual di do scaoileadh uaithe.

Is mór is mian linn deireadh do chur leis an achrann so idir Eirinn agus Sacsaibh. Má tá ceaptha ag bhur Riaghaltas-sa a toil d'imirt orainn le neart fóréigin agus coingheallacha do leagadh amach roimh ré a bhainfeadh dínn ár staid dúthchais is a dhéanfadh adhbhar magaidh de'n socrughadh so ar siubhal eadrainn, sibh-se bheidh ciontach le buaine an achrainn.

Do réir na gnáth-chomhairle úd gur toil an phobuil is bun le Riaghaltas is féidir síothcháin do dhéanamh feasta, agus síothcháin go mbeidh ceart is onóir ann do chách is go mbeidh cneastacht is buan-mhuinnteardhas mar thoradh air. Is toil le Dáil Eireann teachtaidhe do thogadh chun a leithéid de shíothcháin do dhéanamh; agus lán-chomhacht do thabhairt dóibh chun a chur i bhfeidhm i nbhur dteannta-sa, má ghéilleann bhur Riaghaltas do'n ghnáth-chomhairle seo luaidhte.

(Official Translation).

Sir,
The anticipatory judgement I gave in my reply of August 10th has been confirmed.² I laid the proposals of your Government before Dáil Eireann, and, by an unanimous vote, it has rejected them.³

From your letter of August 13th it was clear that the principle we were asked to accept was that the 'geographical propinquity' of Ireland to Britain imposed the condition of subordination of Ireland's right to Britain's strategic interests as she conceives them, and that the very length and persistence of the efforts made in the past to compel Ireland's acquiescence in a foreign domination imposed the condition of acceptance of that domination now.

I cannot believe that your Government intend to commit itself to a principle of sheer militarism destructive of international morality and fatal to the world's peace. If a small nation's right to independence is forfeit when a more powerful neighbour covets its territory for the military or other advantages it is supposed to confer, there is an end to liberty. No longer can any small nation claim a right to a separate sovereign existence. Holland and Denmark can be made subservient to Germany, Belgium to Germany or to France, Portugal to Spain. If nations that have been forcibly annexed to empires lose thereby their title to independence, there can be for them no rebirth to freedom. In Ireland's case, to speak of her seceding from a partnership she has not accepted, or from allegiance which she has not undertaken to render, is fundamentally false, just as the claim to subordinate her independence to British strategy is fundamentally unjust. To neither can we, as the representatives of the Nation, lend countenance.

If our refusal to betray our nation's honour and the trust that has been reposed in us is to be made an issue of war by Great Britain, we regret it. We are as conscious of our responsibilities to the living as we are mindful of principle or of our obligations to the heroic dead. We have not sought war, nor do we seek war, but if war be made upon us we must defend ourselves and shall do so, confident that whether our defence be successful or unsuccessful no body or representative Irishmen or Irishwomen will ever propose to the nation the surrender of its birthright.

We long to end the conflict between Britain and Ireland. If your Government be determined to impose its will upon us by force and, antecedent to negotiation, to insist upon conditions that involve a surrender of our whole national position and make negotiation a mockery, the responsibility for the continuance of the conflict rests upon you.

On the basis of the broad guiding principle of government by the consent of the governed, peace can be secured _ a peace that will be just and honourable to all, and fruitful of concord and enduring amity. To negotiate such a peace, Dáil Eireann is ready to appoint its representatives, and, if your Government accepts the principle proposed, to invest them with plenary powers to meet and arrange with you for its application in detail.